[This is an article I wrote for the Richard III Society's American branch publication, The Ricardian Register. It repeats some information already on this site about the various Woodville siblings, but contains complete references and footnotes.]
Though historians, Ricardians, and readers generally have no difficulty in accepting Edward IV’s brothers and sisters as distinct individuals, each with his or her own personality and goals, Elizabeth Woodville’s brothers and sisters are often lumped together in one category simply known as “The Woodvilles,” as if they were indistinguishable from each other. This is hardly the case; as this article will show, the Woodville brothers were quite a varied lot, and the sisters, though their personalities are lost to us, also deserve to be viewed as individuals, not as part of a family conglomerate.
Including Elizabeth Woodville, twelve Woodville children survived to adulthood. Their exact birthdates are not recorded, but in a personal communication and in an online posting, Richard III Society member Brad Verity kindly drew my attention to this notation by Robert Glover, Somerset Herald. Written in the 1580’s, this note, as Verity suggests, may reflect the actual birth order of the Woodville siblings:
Richard Erle Ryvers and Jaquett Duchesse of Bedford hath yssue Anthony Erle Ryvers, Richard, Elizabeth first wedded to Sir John Grey, after to Kinge Edward the fourth, Lowys, Richard Erle of Riueres, Sir John Wodeuille Knight, Jaquette lady Straunge of Knokyn, Anne first maryed to the Lord Bourchier sonne and heire to the Erle of Essex, after to the Erle of Kent, Mary wyf to William Erle of Huntingdon, John Woodville, Lyonell Bisshop of Sarum, Margaret Lady Maltravers, Jane Lady Grey of Ruthin, Sir Edward Woodville, Katherine Duchesse of Buckingham. 
I have followed this birth order in writing this article. Because Elizabeth, the subject of two recent biographies, has been written about extensively, and Anthony merits an article to himself, they are not included here.
By far the least known brother of Elizabeth Woodville is Richard, who eventually became the third Earl Rivers.
Richard seems to have been the second oldest Woodville brother. Cora Scofield in her biography of Edward IV refers to his having been pardoned in 1462 for his adherence to the Lancastrian cause; his father and older brother, Anthony, had been pardoned the previous July.  His brother John was born around 1445 (he is said to have been 20 in 1465),  and Anthony is thought to have been born around 1440.  Anthony, Richard, and John, along with their father, each bound themselves in a marriage indenture involving their sister Mary in 1466. 
In 1465, Richard was made a Knight of the Bath, along with his brother John, as part of the festivities preceding Elizabeth’s coronation.  In 1467, Edward IV attempted to have him appointed Prior of the Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, though he was not a member of the order; the royal intervention failed, however, when the order elected its own chosen candidate. 
Scofield writes that in 1469, Richard captured Thomas Danvers, who was accused of plotting with Edward IV’s Lancastrian enemies.  Later in 1469, the Earl of Warwick, taking advantage of unrest in the country, issued a manifesto condemning “the deceitful, covetous rule and guiding of certain seditious persons,” including the elder Richard Woodville, Anthony Woodville, and “Sir John Woodville and his brothers.”  The elder Richard and John were seized and executed, and Anthony appears to have been captured by men who were reluctant to execute him.  The younger Richard must have been in danger himself during this time, but nothing indicates his whereabouts. In November 1470, however, during the readeption of Henry VI, he was issued a pardon by the Warwick-controlled government.  It seems likely that he would have fought for Edward IV at Barnet and Tewkesbury in 1471, but his presence is not mentioned there; perhaps as a mere knight who did not play a notable part in the battle he was simply too lowly to mention.
Richard played little part of importance in the remainder of Edward IV’s reign, although he seems to have been useful enough in his way. J. R. Lander states that he was “employed on various embassies and commissions” and notes that he found no evidence of grants made to him.  In the last years of Edward IV’s reign, he was on commissions of the peace in Bedfordshire, Berkshire, Northampshire, and the town of Oxford.  Was his low profile due to his being considered ineffectual or incompetent, or was he simply a man who preferred the life of a country gentleman to a more public role? Perhaps after having witnessed the strife of the previous decades, including the violent deaths of his father and his brother John, he was content to live an existence of relative obscurity.
Richard Woodville was present at Edward IV’s funeral in 1483, along with his brother Edward.  Soon afterward, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, having seized and imprisoned Richard Woodville’s brother Anthony at Northampton, confiscated Anthony’s land.  According to Rosemary Horrox, the soon-to-be king seized Richard Woodville’s manor of Wymington as well on May 19, 1483, despite the fact that Richard Woodville stood accused of no crime. 
Given this high-handedness and the subsequent executions of Anthony and of Elizabeth Woodville’s son Richard Grey, it is not surprising that Richard Woodville, along with his brother Lionel Woodville, joined the interconnected series of uprisings against Richard III in the fall of 1483 known as Buckingham’s rebellion. (Richard and Lionel were brothers-in-law of Buckingham, who was married to their sister Katherine.) Richard Woodville was among the rebels who rose at Newbury.  This rising, like all of the others, collapsed in the wake of Richard III’s swift reaction and Buckingham’s own capture and execution.
Richard Woodville, along with many other rebels, was attainted in the Parliament of 1484.  As Richard III had executed his own brother-in-law, Thomas St. Leger, for his role in the uprising, as well as sundry other rebels, one wonders why Richard Woodville was spared. He does not seem to have fled abroad. Perhaps he went into sanctuary like his brother Lionel. In any case, by 1485, Richard III was trying to win over some of his former opponents. He pardoned Richard Woodville on March 30, 1485, in exchange for a bond of 1,000 marks and a pledge of good behavior. 
In a Ricardian article, Barrie Williams suggested that Richard Woodville might have been deputed by Richard III in 1485 to assist in marriage negotiations for the hand of Joanna of Portugal, following an embassy by Edward Brampton.  Richard’s presence there seems highly unlikely, as pointed out by Doreen Court in her reply article; the mention of a “Lord Scales” probably refers to Edward Woodville’s visit early in Henry VII’s reign.  Richard III could hardly be expected to entrust his marriage negotiations to Richard Woodville, a man with no experience in such matters and one who had only recently been pardoned for his role in the 1483 rebellion. And with Henry Tudor plotting an invasion, numbering Richard Woodville’s brother Edward as one of his chief allies, it was hardly a sensible time to send a Woodville overseas. More recently, António S. Marques’s article discussing the same visit seems to confirm that Edward is the Woodville being referred to, and that his visit took place during Henry VII’s reign, not during Richard III’s. 
Whether Richard joined Henry Tudor’s forces at Bosworth is unknown. Following Richard III’s defeat there, Richard Woodville was restored to his estates, including those of his father, and became the third Earl Rivers, the title that his father and his brother Anthony had held before him. He took part in some of the ceremonial occasions of Henry VII’s reign, participating in the coronation of his niece Elizabeth of York and in the christening of her first child, Arthur.  During the reign, he served on commissions of the peace in Bedfordshire and Northamptonshire and was among those commissioned to take musters of archers.  Richard was also commissioned to investigate treasons, felonies, and conspiracies in Hereford in 1486 and to try petitions presented to Parliament in 1487.  I have found nothing indicating whether he was at the battle of Stoke.
Richard died on March 6, 1491, without issue. He was the last surviving of the Woodville brothers. In his will, he requested burial at the Abbey of St. James at Northampton and bequeathed his lands to his nephew Thomas, Marquis of Dorset (Elizabeth Woodville’s surviving son by her first husband). He asked that the underwood at Grafton be sold so as to “buy a bell to be a tenor at Grafton to the bells now there, for a remembrance of the last of my blood.” 
Though Elizabeth Woodville is generally condemned for using her queenly status to enrich her grasping family, Richard’s case illustrates how exaggerated and unjust this accusation is. Richard acquired neither great wealth nor power while his sister was queen, nor is there evidence that he aspired to either. Like his younger brother Edward, who also gained little materially from his royal connection, he does not even seem to have married.
John Woodville, described as being age 20 in 1465, was probably the third of Elizabeth Woodville’s brothers.
John is notorious, of course, for marrying Katherine Neville, Duchess of Norfolk, a wealthy widow well into her sixties at the time. Katherine was a sister of Cecily, Duchess of York, and of Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury; she thus was aunt both to Edward IV and to his mentor, the Earl of Warwick. She was no stranger to the marriage rite, having been married first to John Mowbray, the Duke of Norfolk, who died in 1432. Her second marriage, which took place before January 27, 1442, was an unlicensed match to Sir Thomas Strangways, a knight who had been in her husband’s service. Sir Thomas had died by August 25, 1443, by which date Katherine had married John Beaumont, first Viscount Beaumont. Katherine’s third husband was killed at the Battle of Northampton in 1460. She was about sixty at the time. 
Katherine and John married in January 1465, just a few months after Edward IV had announced his marriage to Elizabeth Woodville.  William Worcester decried the match as a “diabolical marriage” (though he thought the lady was eighty),  and it has been roundly denounced by historians and novelists, particularly of the Ricardian bent, as a shocking example of Woodville greed. While John’s motives were undoubtedly mercenary and the age gap an unusual one, nothing supports the notion that the elderly lady was forced into the match by the Woodvilles or by her nephew the king or that she found it offensive or degrading. Outwardly, at least, she and her family seem to have been on good terms with the Woodvilles. At the banquet following Elizabeth’s coronation a few months after the marriage, Katherine was seated at a table with the queen’s mother.  Her grandson, John Mowbray, the fourth Duke of Norfolk (who was about the same age as her new husband) played a prominent role at the coronation, where he fulfilled his hereditary duties as marshal of England.  Perhaps Katherine happened to find the young man’s company congenial. There is no reason to suppose, except by the prurient-minded, that the relationship had a sexual dimension.
On May 23, 1465, as part of the ceremonies leading up to Elizabeth’s coronation, John was made a Knight of the Bath, along with his brother Richard and several dozen other men.  In 1467, Edward granted him the reversion of certain of Katherine’s dower lands.  These had been forfeited by William, second Viscount Beaumont, Katherine’s Lancastrian stepson from her third marriage.
John served as the queen’s Master of Horse, for which he received forty pounds per year.  Like his father and his brother Anthony, he was fond of tournaments. In 1467, he fought in one at Eltham alongside the king’s closest friend, William Hastings; the king and Anthony Woodville fought on the other side.  The following year, he and Anthony were among the English entourage that escorted Margaret, Edward IV’s youngest sister, to Burgundy for her wedding to its duke.  John was named the prince of the tournament that followed the wedding ceremony. 
In June 1469, John accompanied Edward IV on a pilgrimage to Bury St. Edmunds and Walsingham.  (One of the king’s other companions was the king’s youngest brother, Richard, Duke of Gloucester. How congenial he and John found each other’s company is, unfortunately, unrecorded.) During their trip, the royal party met with the younger John Paston, who took the opportunity to ask John and others to use their influence with the king to assist the Pastons in a legal matter. John Woodville, Paston reported, and his brother Anthony “tok tendyr your maters mor then the Lord Revers,” their father.  But John Woodville would soon be in no position to help John Paston or anyone else.
Trouble was brewing in the person of Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, who had allied himself with the king’s other brother, George, Duke of Clarence. Warwick had several grudges against the crown, not the least of which was the growing influence of the Woodvilles at court. In his manifesto issued from Calais, he targeted Anthony and John Woodville and their father, along with several other men, as royal favorites who were harming the realm. The king sent the Woodville men away for their safety, but to no avail in the case of John and his father. On August 12, 1469, the two were captured by Warwick’s troops and beheaded outside Coventry without trial. 
John’s burial place, like that of his father, is unknown. On May 29, 1475, however, Anthony Woodville granted land to Eton College; the indenture speaks of the “rele love and singular devocion” that John bore the college, which Edward IV had come close to abolishing because of its associations with Henry VI but which had regained some royal favor by the late 1460’s.  Perhaps Anthony intended that his brother’s body be moved to Eton. Each year on October 30, a hearse with wax candles was to be erected and an obit held for John’s soul; the college was also to say daily masses for the king and queen, their children, Anthony, his late parents and John, and his other siblings. John was also remembered by Walter Blount, Lord Mountjoy, who asked in his will that masses be said for John and his father. 
Katherine, John’s aged widow, was to survive her youthful groom by fourteen years. She served as his executrix; one Humphrey Gentille, attempting to settle an account owed to him by John, brought a Chancery suit in which he claimed that "the great might of the said lady" was preventing him from collecting his debt.  Katherine was issued robes for Richard III’s coronation in 1483, where she appeared in the coronation-eve procession as one of the queen’s attendants, and died later that year. 
In his biography Richard the Third, Paul Murray Kendall praises Anthony Woodville (meagerly, which is as far as Kendall could bring himself to praise a Woodville) by first cataloging his family’s supposed vices. He writes, “Anthony Woodville’s father was a rapacious adventurer . . . His brother Lionel was a type of their father in the gown of a bishop.” Elsewhere in the book, he describes Lionel as “haughty.” 
As is far too often the case when Kendall writes about the Woodvilles, he offers no evidence to support his assessment of Lionel’s character, and indeed there seems to be none. For Lionel, Bishop of Salisbury, is a rather obscure person, despite the high office he obtained.
Most of what is known about Lionel has been summarized by John A. F. Thomson, who
estimates Lionel’s birth as being between 1450 and 1455.  He notes that the Pope granted him the right to receive any benefice when he was over twelve and that Lionel received a canonry at Lincoln in 1466 as his first benefice.  Lionel was educated at Oxford, which elected him as its chancellor in 1479 and offered to award him a doctoral degree in canon law (he already held a bachelor’s degree).  Lionel was also made Dean of Exeter Cathedral. 
Lionel was not created Bishop of Salisbury until January 7, 1482, eighteen years after becoming the king’s brother-in-law.  Although he undoubtedly owed his advancement to his royal connections, bishoprics were common enough destinations for well-connected younger sons, including George Neville, who as the youngest son of the powerful Earl of Salisbury and the brother of the immensely rich Earl of Warwick rose to be Archbishop of York. No controversy seems to have surrounded Lionel’s elevation to bishop, and nothing indicates that he was considered incompetent to hold his office. Records of his tenure are scant: according to Thomson, his episcopal register did not survive.  Unlike George Neville, who played a leading role in the political controversies of his day, Lionel seems to have taken little part in his royal brother-in-law’s reign. Thomson suggests that his main interest, even after he became bishop, might have been in the affairs of Oxford University. 
Following Edward IV’s death on April 9, 1483, Lionel apparently attended his funeral services, according to Anne F. Sutton and Livia Visser-Fuchs, who have collated the various manuscripts describing the ceremonies.  By April 26, 1483, however, Lionel was back at Oxford.  If there was indeed a Woodville conspiracy at this time to take control of the government, Lionel would seem ill placed to take part in it.
On June 9, 1483, Simon Stallworth reported that Lionel had entered sanctuary with his sister the queen; Thomson speculates that he had traveled there for his nephew’s coronation and fled into sanctuary upon hearing of the arrest of his brother Anthony at the hands of Richard, Duke of Gloucester, and Harry, Duke of Buckingham.  Gloucester evidently was wary of Lionel, for on June 3, 1483, he removed Lionel’s name from a commission of the peace for Dorset. Later in June, however, Lionel appears to have reconciled with Richard and left sanctuary, for Richard restored Lionel to the Dorset commission on June 26, 1483, and appointed him to a Wiltshire commission on July 20, 1483. Lionel, however, is not recorded as being at Richard’s coronation on July 6, 1483.
In late July, Richard III set off on a royal progress, visiting Oxford’s Magdalen College on July 24 and 25, 1483. The college register records that the new king was greeted by the university’s chancellor—who, of course, was Lionel Woodville.  Since Richard had recently executed Lionel’s older brother Anthony, this must have been a rather awkward occasion, but ceremony presumably carried the day.
On September 22, 1483, however, Lionel issued letters from Thornbury—a manor belonging to Lionel’s brother-in-law Harry, Duke of Buckingham, who by that time had joined those in rebellion against the king.  The letters, which concerned the appropriation of a benefice, were harmless enough, but Lionel’s residence at Thornbury, as Thomson points out, is intriguing. Was he there as a guest of Buckingham or his duchess, Lionel’s sister Katherine, or had he been arrested like Bishop Morton, who was also in Buckingham’s charge? Was Buckingham, with an eye to rebellion, attempting to reconcile with his Woodville kin? Richard clearly was suspicious of Lionel, for on September 23, 1483, he ordered the seizure of the bishop’s temporalities (i.e., his revenues).  Richard III apparently still trusted Buckingham himself; Thomson suggests that at this stage Richard may have suspected some sort of treasonous communication between Lionel and Bishop Morton, whose nephew Robert was dismissed from his post as Master of the Rolls on September 23 as well. 
Whatever the nature of Lionel’s residence at Thornbury, he had certainly become involved in the rebellion by October, when he, Walter Hungerford, Giles Daubenay, and John Cheyne planned an uprising at Salisbury.  The rebellion, of course, failed, and Lionel fled to sanctuary at Beaulieu Abbey, where Queen Anne’s mother, the Countess of Warwick, had taken shelter years before following the Battle of Barnet. According to Louise Gill, Lionel was joined in sanctuary by Robert Poyntz, who was married to the natural daughter of Lionel’s deceased brother Anthony. 
Oxford quickly moved to elect a new chancellor to replace Woodville, now a political liability to the university, while Richard III made inquiries in December 1483 as to the sanctuary rights of Beaulieu.  In February 1484, he sent two chaplains to bring Lionel, who had been attainted, into his presence.  These attempts to prise the bishop out of sanctuary failed, however.
In March 1484, in letters dated from Beaulieu Abbey, Lionel nominated a candidate to a vacant vicarage. Lionel is again referred to in a writ dated July 22, 1484, that was issued after a rival candidate challenged the nomination. By December 1, 1484, when the dean and chapter of Salisbury were allowed to elect a successor, Lionel had died. His cause of death is unknown, as is his burial place. Thomson notes that one manuscript from the seventeenth century states that he was buried at Beaulieu. There is also a claim, however, that he was buried at Salisbury Cathedral. 
In the sixteenth century, a tradition arose that Lionel Woodville was the father of Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester. This claim can still be found in older books and, of course, on the Internet, but James Arthur Muller, a biographer of Gardiner, weighed the evidence and rejected it in 1926.  He noted that Gardiner’s enemies never accused him of illegitimate birth and that Gardiner was probably not born until the 1490’s, eliminating Lionel as a father. More recently, C. D. C. Armstrong has estimated Gardiner’s birth date as being between 1495 and 1498.  It seems safe to say, then, that the Bishop of Salisbury was not the sire of the Bishop of Winchester.
Of the five brothers of Elizabeth Woodville who survived to adulthood, Edward Woodville, after Anthony Woodville, had the most colorful career.
Edward was the youngest of the Woodville brothers and was likely born in the mid 1450’s (his youngest sister, Katherine, probably the baby of the family, was born about 1458).  When his brothers Richard and John were made Knights of the Bath in 1465, he was not included; presumably it was thought that he was young enough to wait a bit.
I have found nothing that indicates that Edward Woodville fought at Barnet or Tewkesbury, though it may simply be that he was not sufficiently prominent to be recorded. It is quite possible that he served under his brother Anthony, who P. W. Hammond suggests might have commanded the reserve at Barnet and who was wounded there.  In April 1472, Edward accompanied Anthony to Brittany with 1,000 archers. 
In 1475, Edward IV created a number of new Knights of the Bath, including his son the Prince of Wales. Edward Woodville was one of the newly made knights.  In 1478, he appeared at a tournament held to celebrate the marriage of young Richard, Duke of York, to little Anne Mowbray; his horses were resplendent in cloth of gold.  Later that year, Edward Woodville and the Bishop of Rochester negotiated a marriage contract between the widowed Anthony and Margaret of Scotland, although the marriage never took place.  In 1480, Edward Woodville was sent to Burgundy to escort Edward IV’s sister Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, to England for a visit. 
D. E. Lowe indicates that Edward Woodville probably played a role on the council of his nephew, Edward, Prince of Wales, during the last years of Edward IV’s reign.  Edward Woodville was also granted custody of the town and castle of Porchester. 
Richard, Duke of Gloucester, led an army against Scotland in 1482. Contrary to reports that Richard’s relations with the Woodvilles were hostile prior to 1483, Edward Woodville served under Richard’s command on that occasion. Richard made him a knight banneret on July 24, 1482. 
In April 1483, Edward IV died. Edward Woodville took part in his funeral procession.  In the succeeding days, of course, all hell broke loose. Philippe de Crèvecoeur, known as Lord Cortes, had taken advantage of Edward IV’s death to raid English ships, and Edward Woodville had been appointed by Edward V’s council to deal with this French threat. On April 30, he took to sea with a fleet of ships.  That same day, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, and Henry, Duke of Buckingham, took Anthony Woodville and others prisoner at Northampton, claiming on very dubious grounds that the Woodvilles had been plotting against them.
At this time, Mancini writes, “it was commonly believed that the late king’s treasure, which had taken such years and such pains to gather, was divided between the queen, the marquess [her son Thomas], and Edward.”  Mancini’s report, which C. A. J. Armstrong indicates is the only contemporary account to make such an allegation,  has cast a lasting stigma upon all three Woodvilles, especially the queen, and for the most part has been uncritically and gleefully accepted by Ricardians. Rosemary Horrox, however, has studied the financial memoranda from the period and finds the account of a treasury raid—which Mancini, it should be remembered, reports as a common belief, not as an established fact—unlikely. She suggests that Mancini’s story probably originated in the fact that Edward IV’s cash reserves were exhausted to pay for this military venture and points out that there is no evidence that Elizabeth Woodville, living in straitened circumstances in sanctuary, had any share of the treasure.  Had there been any in her possession, Richard would have certainly required her to disgorge it on May 7, when the Archbishop of Canterbury ordered the sequestration of Edward IV’s goods, jewels, and seals,  or at the very latest before she left sanctuary in 1484.
Edward and his fleet gathered at Southampton, where Edward did acquire treasure: he seized ₤10,250 in English gold coins from a vessel there, claiming that it was forfeit to the crown.  Meanwhile, having gained control of the young king, Richard turned his attention to the fleet commanded by Edward Woodville. He sent letters to officials in Calais about the restitution of ships and goods between England and France and appointed men to seize Edward Woodville on the same day that Edward was seizing his coins in Southampton.  As Edward would not have been aware of this order for his own capture until some time after its issuance, he might have fully intended when he seized the coins to deliver them to the royal treasury once the French were dealt with.
Once word got out that Edward was a wanted man, according to Mancini, the Genoese captains of two of his ships, fearing reprisals against their countrymen in England if they disobeyed Gloucester’s orders, encouraged the English soldiers on board to drink heavily, then bound the befuddled men with ropes and chains. With the Englishmen immobilized, the Genoese announced their intent to return to England, and all but two of the ships, those under the command of Edward Woodville himself, followed suit.  Horrox, however, suggests more prosaically that this vinous tale aside, the majority of Edward’s captains simply recognized Gloucester’s authority as protector and obeyed his orders accordingly. 
Edward Woodville—perhaps with his gold coins seized at Southampton, unless he had had the misfortune to place them on one of the deserting ships—sailed on to Brittany, where he joined the exiled Henry Tudor. There, he received a pension of 100 livres a month from Duke Francis of Brittany. 
It was during this time that Edward Woodville acquired a somewhat tarnished sexual reputation from Mancini, who stated that “although [Edward IV] had many promoters and companions of his vices, the more important and especial were three of the . . . relatives of the queen, her two sons and one of her brothers.”  This brother has been assumed to refer to Edward Woodville (the hairshirt-wearing Anthony, the bishop Lionel, and the obscure Richard being each unlikely candidates), but Mancini’s description may have been heavily influenced by the propaganda being put forth in the summer of 1483 by Richard, Duke of Gloucester, who in June 1485 described Edward and other associates of Henry Tudor in generic terms as "adulterers."  Nothing else supports this picture of Edward Woodville as court playboy; as his career shows, he was a man of action. His life also undercuts the notion that his sister the queen heaped her relations with royal largesse: aside from Porchester, he seems to have received no grants from Edward IV other than a wardship.  Like his brother Richard, Edward does not seem to have married, and there is no trace of a marriage having been sought for him.
Though the October 1483 uprising against Gloucester, now Richard III, failed, the new king could not rest comfortably. In May 1484, Richard was expecting an attack led by Edward Woodville at Dover or Sandwich, though it never materialized. 
In the fall of 1484, Henry Tudor, warned of negotiations to repatriate him to England, escaped into France. Back in Brittany, Duke Francis, “[o]ut of either compassion or a sense of guilt,” summoned Edward Woodville and two others and promised to pay their expenses to join Tudor in France. 
As noted above, Barrie Williams has suggested that either Richard or Edward Woodville was conducting marriage negotiations for Richard III in 1485. This suggestion, unlikely enough where Richard Woodville is concerned, is nonsensical in Edward Woodville’s case, given the fact that Richard III had denounced him as one of Henry Tudor’s associates in June 1485. Edward Woodville, of course, was in France with Henry Tudor during the summer of 1485, and was among “the chief men” in Henry Tudor’s forces when Richard III was defeated at Bosworth. 
Edward Woodville’s career under Henry VII was brief but busy. He was granted Carisbrooke Castle in the Isle of Wight in 1485, and appointed its captain.  In 1486, he was one of those who bore a canopy at the christening of Prince Arthur.  On April 27, 1488—just a few months before his death—he was made a Knight of the Garter. At the Feast of Saint George that year, he is recorded as being present with his fellow Garter knights and as attending a requiem mass, where he offered his helm and crest. 
These ceremonies, however, were not where Edward’s main interests lay. In 1486, calling himself “Lord Scales,” he went to fight the Moors in Granada, serving in the armies of Ferdinand and Isabella.  At Loja, he and his forces were successful in putting the Moors to flight, but the encounter cost Edward his front teeth. He is said to have quipped to a sympathetic Queen Isabella, “Christ, who reared this whole fabric, has merely opened a window, in order more easily to discern what goes on within.” Edward was sent home to England with a rich array of gifts, including twelve horses, two couches, and fine linen.
On his way to Granada and on the way back, Edward stopped in Portugal. Having been unable to meet the Portuguese king on his initial trip to Lisbon, he stopped there on his return, “where he was very well received by the king.”  While there, he proposed that one of Edward IV’s daughters marry the Duke of Beja. The duke, noted the king’s secretary, had previously been proposed as a husband for Elizabeth of York by Edward Brampton during Richard III’s reign. This visit by Edward Woodville, which took place in 1486 or early 1487, is the one that has been confused with a Woodville visit in 1485. 
The year 1487 saw Edward in battle again, this time in England against forces led by John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln, in support of Lambert Simnel, a young pretender to the throne. After three days of skirmishing near Doncaster, Edward’s troops were forced to retreat through Sherwood Forest to Nottingham. At the Battle of Stoke, however, where Edward Woodville commanded the right wing, victory went to Henry VII. 
In May 1488, Edward “either abhorring ease and idleness or inflamed with ardent love and affection toward the Duke of Brittany,” as Hall’s chronicle has it, asked Henry VII to allow him to assist the duke in fighting the French.  Henry VII, who hoped for peace with France, refused the request, but Edward ignored this and returned to the Isle of Wight, where he raised a “crew of tall and hardy personages” and sailed to Brittany. Henry then reconsidered and decided to send reinforcements to Woodville, but the French arrived in Brittany before this could be done. At St. Aubin-du-Cormier on July 27, 1488, Edward Woodville fought his last battle. He and almost all of his troops perished.
The Woodville Sisters
Given their gender and their assimilation into their husbands’ families, the most shadowy of Elizabeth Woodville’s siblings are, not surprisingly, her sisters. Though the good marriages arranged for the sisters following Elizabeth’s marriage to the king excited comment and sometimes controversy at the time,  very little else is known about their lives, save for genealogical details. Unlike the Woodville brothers, however, who left no legitimate offspring and only one known out-of-wedlock child (Anthony’s daughter, Margaret), most of the sisters produced children. The descendants of their much-deplored unions included the third Duke of Buckingham and the Earls of Arundel, Derby, Essex, Kent, and Worcester, all of whom might well have begged to differ with the proposition that these marriages should have never taken place.
Unlike those of her younger sisters, Jacquetta Woodville’s marriage owed nothing to her sister Elizabeth’s match with the king. Jacquetta had married John Strange, Lord Strange of Knokyn, by March 27, 1450, when the manor of Midlyngton in Oxford was granted to the couple by John’s mother, Elizabeth.  Since Jacquetta’s parents had married around 1437,  Jacquetta, who was apparently younger than Elizabeth Woodville and Anthony Woodville, was still a child at the time of her marriage, as was her husband, said to have been five or more at the time of his father’s death in 1449.  John outlived Jacquetta, having remarried before his death on October 16, 1479.  They had one daughter, Joan, said to be age sixteen or more at the time of her father's death.  Joan married George, Lord Strange, son of the Thomas Stanley who is notorious for having helped Henry Tudor win the Battle of Bosworth. George is best known for being taken in custody by Richard III before the battle of Bosworth to ensure (unsuccessfully) the loyalty of Thomas Stanley. Joan and George’s son, Thomas, became Earl of Derby in 1504, having succeeded to the title of his grandfather Thomas Stanley. 
Jacquetta Woodville and John Strange, along with an inserted brass of their daughter Joan, are commemorated in a memorial brass at St. John the Baptist Church in Hillingdon.  According to the now-lost inscription, Jacquetta was buried elsewhere.
Anne Woodville married William Bourchier, eldest son of the Earl of Essex, by August 15, 1467, when they are recorded as receiving lands worth a hundred pounds a year.  Anne is one of the rare cases where we get a glimpse of Elizabeth’s sisters at court: she served as one of the queen’s ladies in waiting and was paid forty pounds a year for her services.  How long she was at court is uncertain, as the queen’s household records cover only the period from 1466–67. On February 14, 1480, Edward IV granted Anne a number of manors—an unusual gift to one of the queen’s sisters.  Perhaps Anne was particularly close to the queen, as evidenced by her having served as her lady in waiting.
William Bourchier never gained his family’s earldom. He predeceased both his wife and his father, dying sometime between February 12, 1483, when he was placed on a commission of the peace, and April 4, 1483, when his father the earl died, close to eighty years of age.  William and Anne’s son, Henry, aged eleven or more in 1483, thus became the next Earl of Essex.  Some sources have young Henry taking part in Richard III’s coronation a few months later, bearing gilt spurs in the procession.  This would not be surprising, as the Duke of Buckingham, a Bourchier relation, had the ordering of the coronation, and Thomas Bourchier, the Archbishop of Canterbury, crowned the new king. The Earl of Essex was to become an old hand at coronations: he carried Henry VII’s spurs and Henry VIII’s sword of state, and he also served as carver at Anne Boleyn’s coronation. 
In addition to Henry, Earl of Essex, William Bourchier and Anne Woodville had two daughters, the first being Cecily, who married John Devereux, 8th Baron Ferrers of Chartley, who was seven or more in 1471. Cecily died in 1493.  Interestingly, John’s father, Walter, a staunch Yorkist who died at Bosworth fighting for Richard III, was a perhaps reluctant host at his manor of Weobley to Henry, Duke of Buckingham, during the October 1483 rebellion. The Duke of Buckingham was accompanied to Weobley by his wife, Katherine, Cecily’s aunt.  Perhaps this family connection was one factor in Walter’s decision to give shelter to Buckingham, whose rebellion he did not support.
William Bourchier and Anne Woodville’s other daughter, Isabel, seems to have never married. In her will, dated October 10, 1500, and proven May 14, 1501, she described herself as “daughter to William Bourchier” and asked to be buried at Whittington College, London, the burial place of her sister. She left monetary bequests to her brother Henry and to her half brother, Richard Grey. 
Following William’s death, Anne Woodville married George Grey, who became the Earl of Kent in 1490.  She died on July 30, 1489, and was buried at Warden Abbey in Bedfordshire, where George Grey and his second wife were also buried later. She and George Grey had a son, Richard Grey, who succeeded George Grey as the Earl of Kent when George died in 1503. Richard Grey was a wastrel who had dissipated his inheritance by the time he died in 1524. 
The Wingfield family history reports that Anne was also married to Edward Wingfield, whose younger brother married Anne’s younger sister Katherine,  but a marriage between Anne and Edward appears highly doubtful to me. Richard Grey, Earl of Kent, who was described as “25 or more” at his father’s death in 1503, could not have been quite this old at the time, as his parents did not marry until at least 1483, but he certainly seems to have been an adult, who sat on a commission of gaol delivery in 1502 and who was given license to enter his lands in 1504.  He was made a Knight of the Garter in 1505.  With a son this old by her second marriage, it seems that Anne, who was not widowed from her first husband until 1483, would not have had time to squeeze in a marriage to Edward Wingfield, who in any case outlived both of her known husbands.  Notably, the Wingfield family history mistakenly reports that Anne’s second husband, George Grey, was killed in 1489, while other sources mistakenly report that Anne’s first husband, William Bourchier, was killed at Barnet.  These incorrect dates may have helped given rise to the apparent confusion over Anne’s marital history. It is also significant that the herald’s note quoted at the beginning of this article mentions Anne’s marriages to Bourchier and Grey, but no other marriages on her part.
In September 1466, Mary wed young William Herbert at Windsor Castle.  William Herbert, born in 1455, was the eldest son of William Herbert, a Welsh baron and a strong ally of Edward IV who for a time had young Henry Tudor in his custody.  The marriage indenture had been entered into on March 20, 1466.  The elder Herbert was created Earl of Pembroke in 1468, but had little time to enjoy his title; he was murdered by the Earl of Warwick’s troops the following year, shortly before two of his Woodville in-laws, Mary’s father and her brother John, met the same fate. Mary’s husband thus became the second Earl of Pembroke, but he never enjoyed the prominence of his father. Like another Woodville in-law, the Duke of Buckingham, he had no role of importance in Edward IV’s reign, perhaps because the king regarded him as inadequate to fulfill his duties. It has been suggested that he might have suffered from ill health.  In 1479, he exchanged his earldom of Pembroke, which was bestowed upon the Prince of Wales, for that of Huntingdon. D. H. Thomas suggests that the purpose of the exchange, which was an unfavorable one for Herbert, was to “strengthen the position of the prince and his council in the task of promoting law and order.” 
Mary, meanwhile, bore William one daughter, Elizabeth, who was described as “16 or more” in 1492, putting her birth date at about 1476.  Mary’s date of death is given by MacGibbon as being in 1481.  In his 1483 will, William (who died seven years later) asked to be buried at Tintern Abbey “where my deare and best beloved wife resteth buried.”  In 1484, however, he married Katherine, Richard III’s out-of-wedlock daughter, whom he seems to have outlived.  He died on July 16, 1490,  and according to the Complete Peerage was buried at Tintern Abbey. 
William Herbert and Mary Woodville’s daughter, Elizabeth, married Charles Somerset, the out-of-wedlock child of Henry, Duke of Somerset (d. 1464). As a Beaufort who had been in exile with Henry Tudor, Somerset naturally did well under Henry VII’s reign, being made the first Earl of Worcester. He is credited with organizing the splendid Field of Cloth of Gold during Henry VIII’s reign. 
Edward IV presented Elizabeth Woodville to his council at Reading at Michaelmas of 1464. In October 1464, while still at Reading, he arranged the marriage of his new queen’s sister Margaret to the son of the Earl of Arundel: Thomas Fitzalan (b. 1450), known later as Lord Maltravers.  On February 17, 1466, John Wykes wrote to John Paston that the Earl of Arundel’s had married the queen’s sister.  Thomas’s father, the Earl of Arundel, lived to be 71, dying in December 1487, so Thomas did not succeed to his earldom until 1488.  Both men were present at Richard III’s coronation, though they also turned up for Tudor events during the next reign. Lady Maltravers is not mentioned as being present at Richard’s coronation. 
Lord and Lady Maltravers assisted at the christening of Edward IV and Elizabeth’s youngest daughter, Bridget, at Eltham in 1480.  They were the parents of several children. Their son William, born around 1476, succeeded to his father’s earldom after Thomas’s death in 1524.  Their daughter Joan married George Nevill, Lord Abergavenny.  Another daughter, Margaret, married John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln, who died rebelling against Henry VII at Stoke Field.  This daughter was still alive in 1524, when her father bequeathed her a ring. 
Margaret Woodville died before March 6, 1491, and was buried at Arundel.  Her husband lived until October 25, 1524, age seventy-four, having never remarried—perhaps a sign of affection for his Woodville wife. He specified that he be buried at Arundel, “where my Lady my wife doth lie.” 
Joan Woodville (also named in some sources, peculiarly, as Eleanor) married Anthony Grey, the eldest son of Edmund, Lord Grey of Ruthin. Edmund had turned traitor to the Lancastrian cause at Northampton and was created Earl of Kent on May 30, 1465. Anthony Grey, who was knighted on the eve of Elizabeth Woodville’s coronation, married Joan around this time.  Anthony Grey died childless in 1480, predeceasing his father, who died in 1490.  Anthony’s younger brother, George, who had married the widowed Anne Woodville, Joan’s sister, became the second Earl of Kent in 1490.
Joan was alive on September 24, 1485, when she was named in a document specifying the remainder interests in a grant given to her brother Edward.  She was apparently dead by 1492, when a postmortem inquisition on her brother Richard was taken. Neither she nor any children of hers are named there as surviving Richard. 
The best known of Elizabeth Woodville’s sisters is Katherine, who with her marriage to Henry, Duke of Buckingham became the highest ranking of the girls—except, of course, for her sister the queen.  Katherine was probably the youngest sister; her brother Richard’s 1492 postmortem inquisition names her as being “34 or more,” placing her birthdate at about 1458.  She had married her husband by the time of Elizabeth’s coronation in 1465, for she is named in a description of the event as the younger Duchess of Buckingham and took her place there alongside other duchesses, including the elder Duchess of Buckingham and the king’s sister the Duchess of Suffolk.  She and her nine-year-old husband were carried at the coronation upon the shoulders of squires. No other duke or duchess is referred to as being toted about in this manner, so it’s reasonable to assume that this was due to the youth of the Buckinghams. Following her marriage, Katherine was raised in the queen’s household, where her husband and his brother also resided.  The Buckinghams had four surviving children: Edward, Henry, Elizabeth, and Anne, all of whom lived into Henry VIII’s reign.
After the execution of her first husband in 1483 and Henry Tudor’s victory at Bosworth, Katherine married Jasper Tudor, uncle to Henry VII. The wedding had taken place by November 7, 1485, when Henry VII’s first Parliament met.  As Jasper had been made the Duke of Bedford by his nephew, Katherine became known as the Duchess of Bedford and Buckingham; her full title, cried out by heralds, was the jaw-breaking, “the high and puissant princess, Duchess of Bedford and Buckingham, Countess of Pembroke, Stafford, Hereford, and Northampton, and Lady of Brecknock.” 
Katherine may not have been a very efficient administrator. Carole Rawcliffe wrote that she appeared to be “rather negligent over the care and custody of her muniments,” in contrast to her oldest son, Edward, third Duke of Buckingham, who took great care with his records.  Though Jasper Tudor, who died on December 21, 1495, named Katherine in his will, he did not appoint her as one of his executors, a task he reserved for men.  Her mind might have been on other things anyway, for she married her third husband, Richard Wingfield, without royal license before February 25, 1496.  As Richard, from a gentry family with strong Yorkist ties and about eleven years younger than his new bride, was the eleventh of twelve sons and had yet to embark on the successful career as a diplomat he would have in later life, he probably had little to recommend him materially, yet another indication that the Woodvilles were not guided exclusively in their affairs by mercenary considerations. Katherine had little time to enjoy her third marriage, though, for she died just over a year later on May 18, 1497.  It is tempting to speculate that she died from the effects of pregnancy, but no children survived either of her last two marriages. In his will made many years later, Wingfield, who remarried, remembered to order masses for the soul of his “singular good Lady Dame Katherine.” 
The Mysterious Martha Woodville
Finally, another girl is often added to the list of Woodville sisters: Martha, married to Sir John Bromley. As Brad Verity has pointed out, however, Martha is not mentioned as being a Woodville until a 1623 visitation pedigree.  She is not named in the note mentioned at the beginning of this essay, nor do she or her heirs appear in Richard Woodville’s 1492 inquisition postmortem or in the 1485 document designating inheritance rights to Edward Woodville’s annuity. It seems, then, that Martha Bromley was not a Woodville, or at least was not one of the queen’s sisters.
Even with major historical figures of the fifteenth century, much of their inner lives can only be guessed at, and lesser known figures are all the more elusive. From what we do know, however, it can be safely said that it is a mistake to assume that all of the twelve Woodville siblings were cut from the same cloth. Richard stayed far out of the limelight; Edward died fighting for a lost cause; Lionel may have been more at home in the halls of Oxford than in his bishop’s palace; John, the prince of the tournament, was murdered in the flower of his youth on the orders of a man whose grand ambitions ultimately cost him his own life. Save for Elizabeth, so little is known about the Woodville women that it is difficult to sum any of them up, but it is probably not too much to hazard a guess that like most women of their time, they were bound up in the daily routines of running their households, bearing and raising their children, and fulfilling their wifely roles as lover and helpmeet. As none of the queen’s sisters stirred up any controversy beyond their arranged marriages, they probably performed their expected roles with all due propriety.
In closing, there is one point that is seldom acknowledged by the Woodvilles’ detractors, who enjoy depicting the entire family as a clan of full-grown piranhas converging on the hapless Edward IV immediately following his marriage to the queen. That point is that at the time of Elizabeth’s marriage to Edward IV in 1464, a number of her siblings were mere children or young teens, the youngest being probably about six years old. Just as Richard, Duke of Gloucester, older than some of these Woodville children, would know fear, insecurity, exile, war, and death over the course of his life, and be shaped by his experiences and by the circumstances in which he found himself, so would the Woodvilles, young and old alike. To lose sight of this and to disregard the Woodvilles as individuals not only makes for a grossly simplified view of history, but a grossly distorted one as well. We could see Richard III and his times all the better, perhaps, by affording the Woodvilles the same objectivity and understanding that we demand of Richard’s historians.
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 See note 129.
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 Scofield, vol. 1, p. 499 n.2.
 Scofield, vol. 1, p. 454.
 Dockray, p. 71.
 Moreton, pp. 64–65.
 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1467–1477, p. 228.
 Lander, p. 116 n.129.
 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1476–1485, pp. 553–54, 567, 569.
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 Horrox, Richard III, p. 99.
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 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1476–1485, p. 532; Horrox, p. 293.
 Williams, p. 141–42.
 Court, p. 191–92.
 Marques, pp. 25–27.
 Hammond, “Coronation,” p. 271; Leland, pp. 205, 230.
 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1485–1494, pp. 278–79, 481, 494–95.
 Ibid., p. 106; Horrox, Parliament Rolls.
 Nicolas, p. 403.
 Archer, “Neville, Katherine.”
 Annales Rerum Anglicarum, quoted in Dockray, p. 48.
 Smith, p. 21.
 Ibid., p. 8–9, 14.
 Ibid., 61–62.
 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1467–1477, p. 19.
 Myers, p. 473.
 Gairdner, vol. 4, p. 275.
 Philipps, p. 327.
 Ibid., p. 338.
 Ashdown-Hill, p. 4.
 Gairdner, vol. 5, 30–33.
 Ross, p. 132.
 Pidgeon, p. 24–25.
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 Archer, “Testamentary Procedure,” p. 19. Katherine’s “great might,” suggesting a strong personality, makes it even less likely that she was forced into her marriage to John.
 Sutton and Hammond, pp. 34, 377.
 Kendall, pp. 197, 254.
 Thomson, “Woodville, Lionel.”
 Haydn, p. 369.
 Thomson, “Woodville, Lionel.”
 Thomson, “Bishop Lionel Woodville,” p. 131.
 Sutton and Visser-Fuchs, pp. 373.
 Thomson, “Bishop Lionel Woodville,” p. 131.
 For this and following, see ibid, pp. 131–32.
 Hairsine, p. 308–09.
 Thomson, “Bishop Lionel Woodville,” p. 132.
 Ibid., p. 133.
 Gill, p. 75.
 Ibid., p. 86; Pidgeon, p. 29.
 Gill, p. 86; Thomson, “Bishop Lionel Woodville,” p. 134.
 For this and following, see Thomson, “Bishop Lionel Woodville,” pp. 134–35.
 Hampton, p. 203; Thomson, “Woodville, Lionel.”
 Muller, p. 306.
 C. D. C. Armstrong, “Gardiner, Stephen.”
 For Katherine’s birth date, see below.
 Hammond, Barnet and Tewkesbury, p. 74.
 Ross, p. 206.
 Metcalfe, p. 4.
 Okerlund, p. 174, citing Illustrations of ancient state and chivalry from manuscripts preserved in the Ashmolean museum, ed. William Henry (London: W. Nichol: 1840), 29.
 Scofield, vol. 2, p. 251.
 Ibid., p. 284.
 Lowe, p. 559.
 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1476–1485, p. 180.
 Metcalfe, p. 6.
 Sutton and Visser-Fuchs, p. 373.
 Horrox, Richard III,, p. 91; C. A. J. Armstrong, p. 81.
 C. A. J. Armstrong, p. 81.
 Ibid., p. 119 n.59.
 Horrox, Richard III, p. 91 & n.7.
 Sutton and Hammond, p. 17.
 Horrox, Richard III, p. 102.
 C. A. J. Armstrong, pp. 85–86.
 Horrox, Richard III, p. 103.
 Griffiths and Thomas, p. 106.
 C. A. J. Armstrong, p. 67.
 Gairdner, vol. 6, p. 81.
 Lander, p. 116 n. 129; Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1476–1485, pp. 199, 224.
 Gill, p. 116.
 Griffiths and Thomas, p. 117.
 Pronay and Cox, p. 181.
 Campbell, pp. 6, 286.
 Leland, p. 205.
 Beltz, p. clxviii; Leland, p. 241.
 For this and following, see Merriam, pp. 134–37.
 For this and what follows, see Marques, pp. 25–27.
 Court, pp. 191–92.
 Bennett, pp. 81, 95.
 For this and the following, see Merrimam, pp. 137–38; Gill, 141.
 Annales Rerum Anglicarum, in Dockray, p. 48.
 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1446–1452, pp. 311–12.
 Hicks, “Woodville, Richard.”
 CP, “Strange,” Vol. XII/1, p. 356.
 Ibid.; CP, “Derby,” Vol. IV, p. 207–08.
 Hampton, p. 115–16; Baldwin, 147.
 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1467–1477, p. 25.
 Myers, p. 451.
 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1476–1485, p. 179.
 CP, “Essex,” vol. V, pp. 137–38.
 Sutton and Hammond, pp. 314.
 CP, “Ferrers,” vol. V, pp. 325–26.
 Farrar and Sutton, pp. 88–89.
 Nicolas, p. 440.
 CP, “Kent,” vol. VII, pp. 166–67; Gunn, “George Grey.”
 CP, “Kent,” vol. VII, pp. 168–69; Bernard, “Richard Grey.”
 Wingfield, p. 33.
 CP, “Kent,” vol. VII, p. 168.
 Wingfield, pp. 33–34.
 Wingfield, p. 33; CP, “Essex,” vol. V, p. 138.
 Annales Rerum Anglicarum, in Dockray, p. 48.
 Griffiths, “Herbert, William.”
 Thomas, pp. 279–83.
 Ibid, pp. 219–20.
 Ibid, pp. 208–09.
 Calendar of Inquisitions Post-Mortem, Henry VII, vol. I, No. 681 Richard, Earl of Ryvers).
 MacGibbon, p. 224.
 Thomas, pp. 296–97.
 Hammond, “Illegitimate Children,” p. 20.
 Griffiths, “Herbert, William.”
 CP, vol. X, “Pembroke,” p. 403.
 Hughes, “Somerset, Charles.”
 CP, vol. 1, “Arundel,” pp. 248–50; Annales Rerum Anglicarum in Dockray, p. 48.
 Gairdner, vol. 4, p. 217.
 CP, vol. 1, “Arundel,” pp. 248–50.
 Sutton and Hammond, pp. 340–41.
 Routh, p. 13.
 CP, vol. 1, “Arundel,” pp. 248–50.
 CP, vol. 1, “Abergavenny,” p. 33.
 CP, vol. VII, “Lincoln,” p. 689–90.
 Testamenta Vetusta, p. 604.
 , vol. 1, “Arundel,” pp. 248–50.
 Testamenta Vetusta, p. 604.
 CP, vol. VII,“Kent,” pp. 164–66; Annales Rerum Anglicarum in Dockray, p. 48.
 CP, vol. VII, “Kent,” pp. 164–66.
 Campbell, p. 562–63.
 Calendar of Inquisitions Post-Mortem, Henry VII, vol. I, No. 681 (Richard, Earl of Ryvers).
 Calendar of Inquisitions Post-Mortem, Henry VII, vol. I, No. 681 (Richard, Earl of Ryvers).
 Smith, pp. 11, 16, 21.
 Myers, 475. Misinformation about Katherine’s age still abounds; in the most recent example, Annette Carson writes that Katherine was twenty when she married Buckingham. Annette Carson, Richard III: The Maligned King. Gloucester: The History Press, 2008, p. 127.
 Davies, “Stafford.”
 Leland, p. 234.
 Rawcliffe, p. 294.
 An abstract of his will can be found in Testamenta Vetusta, minus a reference to Katherine. The complete will, found in the National Archives at PROB 11/10, places the residue of his goods in the hands of his executors and states, “I will that my Lady my wife and all other persons have such dues as shall be thought to them appertaining by right law and conscience.”
 Davies, “Stafford, Henry”; Robertson, “Wingfield, Sir Richard.”
 Pugh, p. 241 n.5.
 Wingfield, p. 223.
Copyright © 2009 Susan Higginbotham